Tag Archives | normalcy

Another good move in Kashmir

Amending the Public Safety Act

While the attention of the media has been focused on the selective revocation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) from certain areas of Jammu and Kashmir (this can be done by the state government by denotifying certain areas under the Disturbed Areas Act), the state government has gone ahead and announced amendment to another much-reviled law — the Public Safety Act (PSA).

The state Cabinet which met under the chairmanship of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah here okayed promulgation of the ordinance titled “The Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (Amendment) Ordinance 2011” thus approving among other recommendations that a minor (under 18 years of age) would no longer be detained under PSA. Besides, the detention period under PSA shall be reduced from the existing one year to three months in case of public disorder and from otherwise three years to six months in a case involving security of the State. However, in both situations there is provision for revision and the detention period can be extended to 1 year and 2 years respectively.

The ordinance was necessitated since state legislature is not in session, it would be now send to Governor for his consent and promulgation. The ordinance provides that a detainee under PSA would be communicated in his/her own language about grounds of detention and all the formalities for slapping PSA on an accused shall be completed within six weeks instead of eight weeks as was given under the existing provisions of the Act. Besides, Chairman of Public Safety Advisory Board can be appointed for two terms only.[GK]

There will always be question marks about the impact of reducing the detention period under the PSA because the state government has been known to invoke the PSA against suspects immediately after they are released, whether on completion of the detention period or by the orders of the court. For instance, state police recently slapped PSA on Dukhtaran-e-Millat’s notorious chief, Asiya Andrabi for the seventh time since 2008. The court quashed her detention orders under PSA thrice and issued release orders in her favour but she has always been rearrested immediately.

But the real plus here is the increase in the age limit of detainees to 18 years.  The state authorities have long been pilloried for treating boys above the age of 16 as adults and detaining them without trial under the PSA (and ordinary criminal law), holding them in regular prisons along with the adult prisoners. This step must be welcomed by all parties, irrespective of their political positions.

The amendment to the PSA  is a good political move by the state government. It is both a reward to the Kashmiris for the peaceful summer for 2011 and an incentive to replicate this normalcy in the following years.

But the question remains. How do we assess this normalcy? What are the indicators of this return to normalcy? The first and foremost is the lack of violence, both due to terror strikes and by street protests in the Valley this year. Second, end of Hizbul Mujahideen as a terror group. Third, elimination of the top Lashkar-e-Taiba leadership in Kashmir. Fourth, the estimated number of active militants in the Valley, which are barely a fraction of the thousands a few years ago. Sixth, nearly 11 lakh tourists visited Kashmir this year. Seventh, Germany revised its travel advisory for Kashmir and other countries may follow suit. Eighth, overwhelming participation by the locals in Panchayat elections.

We can add another indicator to this list now. It is the must-read story in Outlook magazine of ex-militants, who had exfiltrated to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, are hoodwinking the ISI to return to their homes in Jammu and Kashmir. This year has seen at least 16 ex-militants arrive on the Indian side. According to Jammu and Kashmir police, there are some 3,000 Indian Kashmiris eager to return from PoK. This proves that not only is indigenous separatist militancy virtually dead in Kashmir, the hardcore ex-militants are now seeking their future in a peaceful and normal Jammu and Kashmir.

Finally, all these indicators are a testimony to the tremendous effort put in by the security forces to bring the situation to this stage. Only an ungrateful nation would choose to forget their sacrifices and even worse, demonise them, as the counterinsurgency in Kashmir moves towards a political endgame. As we keep moving forward, let us not leave anyone behind.

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Srinagar can be a vibrant city

It needs peace, security and normalcy to get the circle of urbanisation moving.

A quick glance at Morgan Stanely’s AlphaWise City Vibrancy Index: A Guide to India’s Urbanization provides the following factoids about Srinagar. Among the list of top 50 cities in India by population, Srinagar is ranked:

# 48th on the Vibrancy Index

# 45th on the Consumption Index

# 48th on Job Listings

# 50th on Financial Penetration

But it is not all horrible news for Srinagar. It is sixth among these 50 cities in the Weighted Quarterly Average Household Income in urban India. This places Srinagar firmly in the ‘Low Vibrancy – High Income’ quadrant and provides hope for the future.

Click for larger image

As the figure above shows, the high income allows Srinagar a readily available entry point into the Circle of Urbanisation. But for that circle to move, what Srinagar needs first is peace, security and normalcy. That will allow people to lead a routine social and economic life, and get the circle of urbanisation moving.

Alas, only if the self-anointed Kashmiri leaders like Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq could move beyond their agenda of shutdowns and protests, and make Srinagar a vibrant city that it deserves to be.

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‘Not news’ from Kashmir

The signs of normalcy from Kashmir that do not make much news

“For most folks, no news is good news; for the press, good news is not news.”~Gloria Borger

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Indeterminable interlocutors

What does the appointment of this team of interlocutors on Jammu & Kashmir signify?

The reaction to Union Home Ministry’s announcement of a team of three interlocutors on Jammu & Kashmir has been one of scepticism, criticism and bewilderment. There is one single major point of criticism here: the panel has no politician in it. The interlocutory effort would be more credible if it was headed by a politician. The composition of the panel signifies New Delhi’s lack of seriousness in resolving the Kashmir issue. It has failed to build on the positive atmospherics created by the All party parliamentary delegation(APPD) to Kashmir.

Surely, there is some merit in each of these criticisms. But news-reports inform us that no heavy-weight politician was willing to be a part of the committee, ostensibly as this issue has a chance of politically damaging his or her reputation irretrievably. In any case, having a light-weight politician in the committee for the sake of having a politician would have served no purpose and perhaps attracted far more strident criticism of the UPA government.

Let us for a moment consider as to what is really expected of the interlocutors here. Are they supposed to garner, consider and process all shades of opinion in Jammu & Kashmir within the stipulated time-frame and present a miraculous solution which would be universally acceptable to Kashmiris, Laddakhis, Jammuites, and the Rest of India? No one realistically expects this to happen, with or without a top politician as an interlocutor.

If that be so, then what does the government hope to achieve by appointing this team of interlocutors? It perhaps expects the interlocutors to engage the separatists in a prolonged, long-drawn dialogue, calm the tempers in the Valley, and get a semblance of normalcy onto the streets, which the state government can then build upon. But it takes two to tango. As he did with the APPD, Mr Geelani has refused to even talk about talks before his five-point demands are accepted by the Indian government. The responses from Mir Waiz, Yasin Malik, Sajjad Lone and the Muftis have also not been encouraging. Unless there is a dramatic change of heart among the separatists or some serious back-channel negotiations occur, the breakthrough to this impasse is highly unlikely. Even then, these back-channel negotiations have a chance of succeeding only if both the parties are able to shun the temptation of media spotlight.

Incidentally, it is for the first time that the Track-2 people have been given an active and prominent Track-1 role by the Indian government. The onus is now upon the Track-2 experts to walk their talk — “usher in a new paradigm” by “thinking out of the box” on Kashmir. In a rather clever political move, the government has extricated itself out of the firing line of the media and civil society activists, wherein the battle will now be fought between the separatists and the chatteratti. As the chances of a successful solution are abysmally low, the separatists and the civil society interlocutors will eventually have the ownership of its failure. They can then hardly apportion the blame on to the centre.

However it would be incorrect to dismiss the appointment of a non-political team of interlocutors as mere posturing by the centre for public consumption. A political team of interlocutors would have resulted in the creation of an alternate power centre, which could end up undermining both the state government and the Union Home ministry. The composition of the current team of interlocutors precludes any such dangers. It instead reinforces the constitutional position that all the decisions on Jammu & Kashmir will only be taken by the elected governments at the state and the centre.

Finally, the announcement of this team of interlocutors is a tacit, but an honest and somewhat unpalatable admission by the central government that there are no simple or quick-fix answers to the vexed Kashmir problem. At best, it can hope that initiating a low-profile interlocutory process and sticking to it over a long period of time may throw up a satisfactory solution. Alternatively, the process may just buy enough time — of relative peace and normalcy — to heal the wounds and prevent exacerbation of the problem in Kashmir.

Simply put, the appointment of this team of interlocutors is not a solution to the Kashmir problem. It does not even render the ways and means of arriving at the solution. It is only a context which provides the reason to all stakeholders for undertaking a tentative step towards peace and normalcy in Kashmir.

“Priority is a function of context.”~Stephen R. Covey

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Catch the drift in Kashmir

Amidst the noise over Commonwealth games and Ayodhya verdict, the government must stay focused on Kashmir.

The Indian government has really got its hands full these days. The media is full of stories about how the Commonwealth Games are a national disaster in the making and the Prime Minister has had to now himself take charge of the situation. Then, there is the much-awaited court verdict on the Ayodhya Ram temple-Babri mosque issue which is expected next week now. The Union home ministry has been gearing up for the verdict to prevent any flare-up in communal tension, post-verdict. As the government hops from managing or preventing one crisis from another, it is also confronted with the small matter of preparing for the much-hyped visit to India by President Obama. And then there are the assembly elections in Bihar where the Congress party is trying to seek its revival in the state. Even by India’s standards, this is an unusually packed schedule of events which will attract a lot of — warranted and unwarranted — media attention.

Amidst all this, there is a real danger that there is one situation which will again be allowed to drift due to government’s preoccupation with other things — and that is Kashmir. The recent visit of the All Party Delegation to Kashmir, with its unilateral initiative to reach out to and engage the separatist leadership has evened out the distorted anti-India narrative about Kashmir in the national media. Notwithstanding the public display of bravado by the separatists, their intransigence has placed them under greater public pressure from the Kashmiri awam which wants an early return to normalcy. This quest for normalcy can be gauged by the reported movement of Kashmiri Muslims to Jammu to seek a normal life. Meanwhile, the state government has also stepped-up to the plate by refusing to adhere to, and actively countering, Hurriyat’s calendar of protests and shutdowns in the Valley. This has, for the first time in three months, led Syed Ali Shah Geelani to announce a suspension of his shutdown calendar for two days.

Evidently, the government has finally got its act in place in Kashmir. While this is welcome news, it is merely a good beginning, a foot in the door so to speak. It can not afford to rest over its laurels of winning a small, but significant battle when there is a whole war to be won. The government has to follow it up — continuously and consistently — with more simultaneous action on both the fronts: political and security. The process of political engagement must continue in the Valley as the security forces try to restore law and order in the affected districts.  It must also control the media narrative of building up expectations about some major announcements on Kashmir after every CCS meeting by a better public diplomacy campaign.  They unnecessarily raise hopes and thus create a sense of disappointment in Kashmir, which the separatists then exploit to their advantage.

In the last five years, India has repeatedly failed to avail of the opportunities presented to it in Kashmir by allowing the situation to drift. A similar opportunity has again presented itself in Kashmir now. The cacophony of sounds over Commonwealth games and Ayodhya verdict must not distract the government from staying focused on the challenge in Kashmir. Rather than allow the situation to drift, it better catch the drift…the drift of turning a tricky situation around in Kashmir.

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Some quick myth-busting

Stone-pelting can’t turn into a full-blown bloody militancy in Kashmir so easily.

This is how the BBC’s Soutik Biswas concludes his latest blogpost on the recent turmoil in Jammu & Kashmir:

But for the moment, India needs to show initiative and come up with some guarantees and time-bound plans to foster political reconciliation and sow the seeds of a political solution. Without this, the stone-throwing protesters may give way to Kalashnikov-wielding rebels from within the valley and across the border, in a return to full-blown bloody militancy.[BBC]

There is no disputing the fact that India needs to restore peace and normalcy in Kashmir. But return of peace and normalcy to Kashmir can not be an event; it has to be a process. The nuances of the process and the nature of its start-point can be debated but that is not the point of contention here. It is the implicit and unintended threat of stone-pelting transitioning into a full-blown insurgency that strikes a discordant note.

The armed insurgency has seen a steady decline in Kashmir since 2004 not because it was a wilful choice made by the  Kashmiri populace or there was a change of heart in the Pakistani military-jehadi complex.  It happened with the declaration of the cease-fire between India and Pakistan on the Line of Control(LoC) in 2003 wherein Pakistani posts could no longer provide the cover of firing to facilitate infiltration; construction of a formidable physical barrier in the shape of a border fencing on the LoC in 2004; increased availability of surveillance and detection equipment with the army; and the evolved three-tier deployment of the Indian army and Rashtriya Rifles which leveraged the institutional experience of the preceding 15 years to thwart the infiltrators’ plans.

It is also important to remember that by the mid-1990s, the insurgency in Kashmir was manned majorly (almost 80-85%) by jehadis from Pakistan, with a sprinkling of terrorists of other nationalities. The small percentage of indigenous Kashmiri youth who were picking guns also had to exfiltrate across the LoC for training and logistics before infiltrating into the Valley again. While the security forces eliminated terrorists in the rural and semi-urban areas of Kashmir, the supply line to replenish the declining numbers had turned into a trickle with every passing year. It is thus that the number of terrorists inside Jammu & Kashmir came down from an estimated high of 3500 in 2004 to an estimated 350-500 this year.

Two other points merit attention here. Firstly, stone-pelting in the Kashmir valley is mainly an urban phenomenon whereas the insurgency was — and whatever remains of it is — a rural enterprise. It will not be that easy for the urban stone-pelter to metamorphose into an AK-wielding terrorist. Secondly, post-9/11, Islamist or jehadi terror stands completely discredited as an expression of political grievances and a reversion to full-blown insurgency would only further strengthen India’s case. Moreover, the Indian state is struggling with handling the current means of violent protests whereas it has the resources, experience and the capability to take on militancy in a far more effective manner.

This endearing throw-away line that India’s inability to tackle the stone-pelters could lead to rebooting of the jehadi militancy in Kashmir doesn’t actually hold good under a closer scrutiny. That, however, doesn’t imply that Indian state can continue with the current state of drift and not make serious, earnest and even unpopular attempts to bring the situation under control. But these actions must be taken by the state for the right reason.

And that reason is simple: because it is the primary constitutional duty of the Indian state to establish the rule of law and ensure safety and security of all its citizens, including in the state of Jammu & Kashmir.

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The (belated) right idea

The best time to reconsider the AFSPA in J&K was in 2009. But better late than never.

Here is Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA):

“I would like to request that a pragmatic view about the continuation of the AFSPA be taken with a view to removing its applicability from those districts where terrorist or insurgent activities are minimal or insignificant,” he said, without naming the Defence Ministry and the BJP, who favour the continuation of the law in Kashmir.

In a related move, the Centre is also toying with an idea of a proposal submitted by the state government for which phased withdrawal of AFSPA in the state following a strong case made out by Mr. Omar.

To begin with, Centre is likely to explore the possibility of phased withdrawal of the AFSPA in three districts of Kashmir – Srinagar, Budgam and Ganderbal – along with three in the Jammu region – Jammu, Kathua and Sambha – where incidents of violence have shown a marked decline, official sources said.[Hindu]

This is pretty close to the idea proposed by my fellow INI bloggers in early 2009. See this op-ed in the Indian Express from March last year arguing that New Delhi needs to seize the political space in Kashmir by seriously considering the contentious issue of the AFSPA:

While the army’s role in restoring normalcy to Kashmir cannot be overemphasised, and though its preference for the protective cover of AFSPA is understandable, the greater challenge in the final phase of the counterinsurgency operation is seizing the political space. Security inputs are important, but the decision on AFSPA has to be a political one; it cannot be guided solely by the army’s preferences. What is required is not a military-bureaucratic decision but a political one — with active involvement of the state government.

The solution lies in finding inventive ways to balance the security and political imperatives. Here is a model which can be considered: rather than looking at the valley as a whole, smaller administrative units — blocks or sub-districts — should be considered singly. The state government should fix benchmarks — of violent terrorist incidents and deaths — for revoking AFSPA in each of these areas. This would accordingly lead to withdrawal of Rashtriya Rifles units from the population centers in the areas from where the AFSPA is lifted. Quick Reaction Forces of the Rashtriya Rifles, however, must be placed at selected central locations to respond to any major terrorist incident. These actions should be contingent upon a continuous review process: if the security situation breaches the threshold in a certain area, AFSPA can be reinvoked. At the same time, troop deployment along the Line of Control and counter-infiltration operations should remain at status quo.

By all yardsticks, Kashmir is moving towards normalcy. The window of opportunity may not be open for too long. Seize the opportunity while it exists.[Indian Express]

And then there is this another one in the Indian Express asking for selective troop withdrawal from Kashmir.  Watch out for Dhruva’s prescient warning circa February 2009:

Such a proposal is likely to be opposed on bureaucratic grounds by the military itself, and political constipation at the centre, and there is a real danger that this opportunity will be lost due to inaction.[link]

The opportunity was indeed lost due to inaction. But it gives us no pleasure to say that we told you so. Let us hope things work out even now. And we can make a start towards peace, stability and normalcy in the much-troubled state of Jammu & Kashmir.

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Break the cycle of violence

The state has no choice but to launch sustained security operations to quell the current spate of violence in Kashmir.

Curfew has been imposed in nine districts in Jammu & Kashmir, says one of the agency reports today. In all likelihood, it means to say that parts of these nine districts are under curfew although it conveys the impression — wrong impression — that the complete jurisdiction of these nine districts is under the curfew. Notwithstanding this anomaly where major incidents of violence in state are still limited to less than 15 police stations, the situation in J&K has worsened in recent days. Violence continues nearly unabated and it is not something that any well-meaning Indian can be comfortable with.

There has been a lot of lamentation and commentary on the subject. Commentators have delved into the causes of the morass: stagnant economy of the region, lack of mass engagement from mainstream political leaders in the state, Pakistani hand in fomenting this organised stone-pelting after failing to reignite militancy, mistakes compounded by New Delhi’s inaction in the aftermath of successful assembly polls in 2008 under the assumption that normalcy had returned, historical aspects of the problem, and religious dimensions of the issue. Perhaps, all of these have contributed in some measure to the problem as it exists today. But that also means that there is no single root cause which can be deracinated instantenously to fix the problem.

A lot can be said about each of these causes — and their long-term impact — but that would serve no purpose today. The pressing question is about the immediate steps that the governments, both at the centre and the state, must take for the sake of the ordinary Kashmiri. These immediate steps, considering the violent situation of the last few days, will have to be security-centric, focused on a single goal: to break this incessant cycle of violence. Let us not forget that peace and security is the primary responsibility of the state towards its citizens. Moreover, this would lead to re-establishing the rule of law, bring a certain degree of normalcy in daily routine of the average Kashmiri and re-impose the authority of the state. This will break the momentum which the violent mob — and their separatist leaders — have generated in the favour of stone-pelting, provide some respite to beleaguered security forces and change the prevailing narrative in the media.

Any political engagement or talks with ‘all shades of opinion’ in the state can only occur — let alone succeed — once the state is able to suppress, if not eradicate, the current spate of violence. Those who seek a political solution to the problem and purport to be a voice for the legitimate aspirations of the average Kashmiri must thus support and goad the state into action on this path —  to quell the violence immediately.

Quelling the violence now, however, will not be easy for the state. It would be a throw-back to the era of the Punjab militancy, where an equally violent situation was brought under control by the state police and the paramilitary forces. It will be ugly; there could be a few instances of state’s high-handedness; there will be some not-so-nice images coming out from the state; it will not win India any brownie points internationally; and such measures will require unstinting support of the political leadership of the state and the centre.

But as the old saying goes, desperate times call for desperate measures. There are no easy choices left for the state. It has to launch a cohesive, strong and sustained security response to quell the violence and restore a certain degree of normalcy for the populace. The reduction of violence to acceptable levels should, and must, be followed by bold political initiatives from the Indian government. Else India would have again stolen failure from the jaws of success.

Failure is not an option. The state must knuckle down and brazen it out. And bring a stop to this madness of violence in J&K immediately.

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’tis not cricket

The refusal of the defence services team to play a cricket match in Srinagar has very little to do with cricket. It is about the politics associated with it and the message it conveys.

First the Union Home Ministry decides to ban the use of pre-paid mobile phones — which are 85 percent of the total mobile connections in the state — in Jammu & Kashmir. Then, the services cricket team — a joint team of the army, navy and the air force — decides not to turn up for their cricket match against Jammu & Kashmir in Srinagar. The reason, though not officially provided during the day, would have been the security concerns about their cricket team.

Then, the issue flared up with the state government taking serious offence to this decision of the services. Late in the evening, the services apologised to the cricket control board for “the administrative slip-up in despatch of its team” and requested for fresh dates to replay the match.

This is actually not merely about a cricket match between two lowly placed teams in the Plate division of the Ranji Trophy. It is much more than it, with all the political implications and messages that such an event in Srinagar conveys. The foremost among them is to shatter all the claims of the state government about a return of normalcy to the state. When the defence services themselves are unwilling to play a match in Srinagar, the Indian government’s continued insistence on a peaceful Kashmir has little credibility left in the international fora. This will also damage the peace process in the state recently initiated by the centre and weaken the hand of the government in these quiet talks with the Kashmiri separatists.

There are a few issues involved with this decision making that need to be probed further. The most important among them is finding the army official responsible for taking this decision. The security assessment would have obviously come from the local army formation, the Corps headquarters at Srinagar. And then the recommendations would have gone up the chain before the decision would have been taken at a higher, if not the highest level, in the army. If the political implications of such a decision were not grasped by people at that level, which necessitated referring such a decision to the political executive, then they simply do not deserve to occupy those high offices in the army headquarters.

In many quarters, this incident has been perceived as an attempt by the army to snub the state government, particularly the young Chief Minister of the state. His continued efforts to press the centre for diluting the provisions of the AFSPA, and for moving the army and Rashtriya Rifles out of the cities and towns have not gone down well with the army. In fact, there have been very few, if any, statements by the army proclaiming normalcy in the state. All statements by senior army officials about low violence figures in the state are laced with predictions of increasing attempts at infiltration and reactivated terror camps across the border. While these caveats may be true, this cultivated avoidance of acknowledging and promoting the return of normalcy to the state by the army brass lends credence to the charge that the army has developed vested institutional interests in maintaining the status quo in the state.

Finally, the damage control exercise by the army is an outstanding example in how not to conduct public diplomacy. The apology has come rather late; who has tendered the apology is not clearly spelled out. The apology has been tendered to the BCCI for an administrative slip-up, not to the state government and the people of Kashmir for a genuine mistake. Insincere and disingenuous, the apology and the offer of a rematch conveys the unmistakable impression of a decision forced on the army brass by their political masters. Where does it leave the army’s claims of building its image and winning the hearts and minds of the average Kashmiri now? In tatters, one presumes.

Since 1990, the army has done a great job and an yeoman service to the nation by fighting the might of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir. It is also equally true that the nation and the government have, at times, failed to recognise the efforts of the army in bringing normalcy to Kashmir. However, its glorious record of yore can not be an excuse for the army to take a political decision that nearly undoes all its past good work in J&K.

The army brass thus deserves a rap on the knuckles, not only to retrieve the lost ground in Kashmir, but equally importantly, to ensure that the army does not repeat the same mistake in the future.

Tailpiece – While pillorying the army over this cricket match in Kashmir, how can one ignore the Army Chief, General Deepak Kapoor’s recent statement. Echoing his Pakistani counterpart and other Pakistan government officials, he says that “the South Asian region is infested with terror groups. Be it India, Afghanistan or Pakistan, we have to collectively battle such [terror] threats.”

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Messages from a durbar

Does the central government have a concerted plan on Kashmir?

Think of small details as if they were pebbles you can use to start a ripple effect. ~Thomas J. Leonard

Swiftly and stealthily, the Indian government is steadily moving forward on Kashmir. Close on the heels of reports of a quiet dialogue with the separatists and push on developmental projects in the state by the government comes another interesting report about the Prime Minister’s impending visit to Kashmir. Breaking away from the usual tradition of addressing a durbar [can be loosely translated as a town hall meeting with the rank and file by a dignitary] for the army or Rashtriya Rifles [RR] soldiers, the Prime Minister will instead conduct a durbar for the state police and CRPF — a first since the advent of militancy in the state in 1990.

This act of the Prime Minister is significant on two counts. First, read in conjunction with the government’s denial of a permanent mandate to the RR, it indicates that the government is contemplating restricting the army and RR to the outer tiers on the Line of Control — similar to the deployment in pre-militancy years — with the state police and CRPF taking over the internal security duties in the population centres in the state. Secondly, it reinforces an important message — of the importance being accorded to the state police and CRPF by the central government. This is liable to act as a morale-booster for the central forces not only in the Valley, but also in other parts of the country where they are deployed, including against the Naxals. The paramilitary forces have long gnarled about being treated as inferior cousins of the army (and RR) in internal security duties. This step of the Prime Minister would go at least some way in setting their grievance of step-motherly treatment right.

Political dialogue, renewed emphasis on development, amendments to AFSPA, signals about the primacy of state police, likely withdrawal of army and RR from populated areas in Kashmir… this almost sounds like a plan from the government. Well, not every one agrees though. Some analysts are dismissing these as pre-emptive Indian moves to block international interference [read US pressure] on Kashmir. Whatever may be the reason, if these seemingly concerted actions by the government can lead to an early return to normalcy in Jammu & Kashmir, they should be welcomed unabashedly by all well-meaning Indians.

While on normalcy, it is hard to disagree with these two contentions– by Muzamil Jaleel and Kuldip Nayar — that complete normalcy will never return to the state of Jammu & Kashmir. But then, let not the perfect be the enemy of the good. Good is certainly good enough here.

Tailpiece — This would perhaps be the only time in recent years when a Union Home Minister is being praised for his initiatives both in the Kashmiri and Jammu media. And equally amazingly, this fact is being noticed by the Pakistani media.

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